U. S. Senate Sports Bill

#26
#26
Please slow down a little and read carefully. I didn’t say that.

Another colleague was concerned that the dead HR bill did not repeat Title IX requirements. I said that the Senate bill did not repeat Title IX. She expressed concern that Title IX might not be enforced. I said that repeating it would not change that.

Nobody ever said anything about a conflict between existing statute and proposed new law.

edited to add: Sorry if my tone is grumpy. Stuck in ICU again and
anxious to escape back to reality. And I'm an old grump. :rolleyes:
I always thought "distraction" was the best pain relief. But monitoring this thead while in your circumstances sets up like a bad joke about "needles and pricks."

Hang in there. You're doing the Lord's work, forcing us to actually think about the realities of fixing something that--after an autumn week of work and stress--has long been the favorite distraction of millions.
 
#27
#27
Please slow down a little and read carefully. I didn’t say that.

Another colleague was concerned that the dead HR bill did not repeat Title IX requirements. I said that the Senate bill did not repeat Title IX. She expressed concern that Title IX might not be enforced. I said that repeating it would not change that.

Nobody ever said anything about a conflict between existing statute and proposed new law.

edited to add: Sorry if my tone is grumpy. Stuck in ICU again and
anxious to escape back to reality. And I'm an old grump. :rolleyes:
We love self-awareness! 🤣 jk, but i hope you are home soon.
 
#28
#28
Whoa Nelly! I too can play verbal games. Contract law does not, repeat NOT, constitute involuntary servitude.

If a coach Voluntarily (all puns intended) enters into an employment contract, “involuntary” is off the table. Back to law school, young grasshopper.
Contract law already applies, don't need a Congressional bill to enforce it. Clearly, leaving voluntarily is not spelled out in most contracts, otherwise schools would enforce it.
 
#29
#29
I always thought "distraction" was the best pain relief. But monitoring this thead while in your circumstances sets up like a bad joke about "needles and pricks."

Hang in there. You're doing the Lord's work, forcing us to actually think about the realities of fixing something that--after an autumn week of work and stress--has long been the favorite distraction of millions.
It is a true pleasure to share with you…and try to avoid brain atrophy.
 
#30
#30
Contract law already applies, don't need a Congressional bill to enforce it. Clearly, leaving voluntarily is not spelled out in most contracts, otherwise schools would enforce it.
The issue here is not to enforce, but to further define and restrict terms. For example, a coach may engage in contracted employment at tens of thousands of schools, colleges, universities and professional teams. If a coach should choose employment at one of the ~351 NCAA Division I teams, said coach must serve the full contracted term….blah blah….

There is nothing involuntary there.
 
#31
#31
The issue here is not to enforce, but to further define and restrict terms. For example, a coach may engage in contracted employment at tens of thousands of schools, colleges, universities and professional teams. If a coach should choose employment at one of the ~351 NCAA Division I teams, said coach must serve the full contracted term….blah blah….

There is nothing involuntary there.
I can't help but feel that the House and Senate are tackling this issue as a kind of distracting political theater from stuff like you know a war in the middle east and millions of American's losing health care.

The Supreme Court ruling that opened up this can of worms concluded that the NCAA did not qualify for anti-trust protection and that placing limits on things like student transfers was an unconstitutional restriction on their right to pursue opportunities (along with all the NIL implications).

If this bill gets passed, it will have a long trek through the legal system and probably find its way back to this same supreme court.

From the Wikipedia summary of the case:

Justice Brett Kavanaugh wrote a concurring opinion, stating that antitrust laws "should not be a cover for exploitation of the student athletes."[14] Kavanaugh's opinion also spoke to other NCAA regulations that he believed "also raise serious questions under the antitrust laws" and would be struck down if challenged under the same legal principles used by the lower courts in Alston.
 
#32
#32
I can't help but feel that the House and Senate are tackling this issue as a kind of distracting political theater from stuff like you know a war in the middle east and millions of American's losing health care.

The Supreme Court ruling that opened up this can of worms concluded that the NCAA did not qualify for anti-trust protection and that placing limits on things like student transfers was an unconstitutional restriction on their right to pursue opportunities (along with all the NIL implications).

If this bill gets passed, it will have a long trek through the legal system and probably find its way back to this same supreme court.

From the Wikipedia summary of the case:
Damned good, clear insight, MTV. Thanks.
We agree.

For context, consider the decades of anti-trust enjoyed by MLB and the resulting servitude of the players.

Much as I love the concept of amateurism, the college kids have been ill-used. If they want to be employed I support them; if they may choose to organize and negotiate a CBA, I support them.
 
#34
#34
I can't help but feel that the House and Senate are tackling this issue as a kind of distracting political theater from stuff like you know a war in the middle east and millions of American's losing health care.

The Supreme Court ruling that opened up this can of worms concluded that the NCAA did not qualify for anti-trust protection and that placing limits on things like student transfers was an unconstitutional restriction on their right to pursue opportunities (along with all the NIL implications).

If this bill gets passed, it will have a long trek through the legal system and probably find its way back to this same supreme court.

From the Wikipedia summary of the case:
Disagree with your premise .....this bill has been worked on over a year by both Republican and Democrat Senators.Has absolutely nothing to do with the war . Antitrust is part and parcel of this bill
 
#35
#35
Disagree with your premise .....this bill has been worked on over a year by both Republican and Democrat Senators.Has absolutely nothing to do with the war . Antitrust is part and parcel of this bill
Don't want to turn this into a political thread. My speculations about motives were a side bar.

My main premise is that this bill will run afoul of the Supreme court ruling in Ashton case which opened up this pandora's box. The Supreme Court set limits on the extent to which anti-trust protection can restrict free market competition. The SC classified college athletes as economic free agents who should have freedom of movement based on demand. Congress can pass it and it will be immediately challenged in the courts which at both the federal and supreme court level have been hostile to these constraints.

What we have is a lot gerrymandering to protect a risible distinction between college amateurs and pro sports, whereas for football and basketball (and probably some other sports), college sports has become a professional development league much like the academy system in the world of European pro soccer.

These sign kids to contract and young ages, subject to renewal based on performance and development (and there is a formal education component to some of these academies which is a selling point). Once youth players, reach the age of 16 (maybe 15), they can be sold to other clubs for $. But the main issues is that these players are under employee contracts and that is the one move the NCAA does not want to make.
 
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#36
#36
The issue here is not to enforce, but to further define and restrict terms. For example, a coach may engage in contracted employment at tens of thousands of schools, colleges, universities and professional teams. If a coach should choose employment at one of the ~351 NCAA Division I teams, said coach must serve the full contracted term….blah blah….

There is nothing involuntary there.
Statism is a helluva drug. Jefferson and Madison would disagree with you, but you be you.
 
#37
#37
Statism is a helluva drug. Jefferson and Madison would disagree with you, but you be you.
You err in assuming I like what I wrote about. I offered an explication in rebuttal to a quick, mistaken, assumption someone made.

If you were to stop assuming disagreement, and simply read slowly, you might find us on the same page.
 
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#38
#38
You err in assuming I like what I wrote about. I offered an explication in rebuttal to a quick, mistaken, assumption someone made.

If you were to stop assuming disagreement, and simply read slowly, you might find us on the same page.
Good.
 
#39
#39
Don't want to turn this into a political thread. My speculations about motives were a side bar.

My main premise is that this bill will run afoul of the Supreme court ruling in Ashton case which opened up this pandora's box. The Supreme Court set limits on the extent to which anti-trust protection can restrict free market competition. The SC classified college athletes as economic free agents who should have freedom of movement based on demand. Congress can pass it and it will be immediately challenged in the courts which at both the federal and supreme court level have been hostile to these constraints.

What we have is a lot gerrymandering to protect a risible distinction between college amateurs and pro sports, whereas for football and basketball (and probably some other sports), college sports has become a professional development league much like the academy system in the world of European pro soccer.

These sign kids to contract and young ages, subject to renewal based on performance and development (and there is a formal education component to some of these academies which is a selling point). Once youth players, reach the age of 16 (maybe 15), they can be sold to other clubs for $. But the main issues is that these players are under employee contracts and that is the one move the NCAA does not want to make.
Do not believe so .......anti trust is included in the bill and Senator Cruz is well aware of Ashton case as the Chair for the Senate bill .....
 
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#40
#40
Do not believe so .......anti trust is included in the bill and Senator Cruz is well aware of Ashton case as the Chair for the Senate bill .....
The truth seems to lie between our two positions. I have pasted this from a much longer and more detailed analysis on JDSUPRA. It gets into the nitty gritty of the SCORE Act, Trump''s executive order, and the Cruz-Cantwell bill and concludes that only the C-C bill would be constitutionally viable, But they explain that this bill is a temporary band-aid solution with the only permanent, long term solution being the one concession the NCAA is staunchly opposing - giving student-athletes collective bargaining rights, which would then allow the NCAA to establish work rules and compensation rules in the manner of the major sports leagues.

The three-bill landscape: How they compare


The SCORE Act, the executive orders, and the Cruz-Cantwell bill represent three distinct visions for the future of college athletics governance:

The SCORE Act is the NCAA’s preferred vehicle — it delivers broad antitrust immunity, permanent non-employee classification, discretionary revenue sharing, and sweeping preemption of state law. It closes every legal pathway athletes have used to force compensation increases and leaves the NCAA as the unchecked regulator of its own labor market. It is constitutionally vulnerable and unlikely to clear the Senate in its current form.

The executive order track is a pressure instrument — it creates real-world compliance deadlines and funding threats to force Congressional action, but its constitutional basis is aggressive and its substantive content is thin. The August 1, 2026 effective date will generate immediate litigation on emergency injunction timelines. Its primary effect may be to accelerate Congressional action rather than to directly govern college sports.

The Cruz-Cantwell bill is the most legally honest of the three. It grants conditional, narrowly scoped antitrust immunity tied to specific conduct with compliance prerequisites, preserves the employment question for the courts and a study commission, creates a statutory revenue-sharing floor rather than a discretionary ceiling, gives athletes a private right of action, mandates meaningful governance representation, and — crucially — places collective bargaining on the official legislative agenda for the first time. Its bipartisan authorship makes it the most plausible vehicle for actual Senate passage.

The two congressional bills are not easily merged. Section 122’s neutrality on employment status directly contradicts the SCORE Act’s non-employee mandate. Conference committee reconciliation between a House SCORE Act and a Senate Cruz-Cantwell bill would require one side to concede the most contested question in the entire debate.

Where this is headed: The case for collective bargaining

The Cruz-Cantwell commission’s mandate to study collective bargaining is significant precisely because it reflects what the most careful analysts of this space have increasingly concluded: collective bargaining is the only legally durable long-term architecture available for college athletics.

The NCAA’s core objective — coordinated rules on compensation, transfer eligibility, and athletic participation — is not inherently unlawful. Every major professional sports league in the United States operates with exactly those kinds of coordinated rules. The NFL, NBA, NHL, and MLB achieve them through collectively bargained agreements with recognized player unions. Terms negotiated through collective bargaining are exempt from antitrust scrutiny under the nonstatutory labor exemption. The NCAA could have everything it is trying to buy through the SCORE Act’s antitrust immunity provision — durably, legally, and without ongoing constitutional vulnerability — if it were willing to recognize athletes as employees and bargain with their representative organization.

The path there is genuinely complicated. Public university athletes are governed by state labor law, not the NLRA, creating a public/private fragmentation problem that either a federal legislative fix or a private employment entity structure would be required to resolve. A SAG-AFTRA-style non-employee representative bargaining framework — legislatively authorized for the specific economics of college athletics — could provide a collective voice and enforceable minimums without requiring formal employee classification, a potential compromise that threads the needle the SCORE Act could not. The Cruz-Cantwell Commission is specifically charged with evaluating both models and reporting recommendations to Congress and the President within five years.

The NCAA’s resistance to this conclusion is psychological and political more than legal. Conceding employee status feels like an existential loss to an organization that built its identity on amateurism. But the amateurism model is already gone. The question is no longer whether athletes will be compensated. It is who will control the terms of that compensation, through what legal mechanism, and with what structural accountability. Every path that does not involve collective bargaining — including the SCORE Act — keeps that question in litigation indefinitely.

Practical implications

The legal environment for college athletics will remain unsettled regardless of how any individual legislative vehicle resolves. The Cruz-Cantwell bill, if enacted, buys five years of structural stability while the Commission works, which is meaningful but not permanent. The executive orders create an August 1 compliance deadline that is weeks away. Johnson v. NCAA continues in federal court. And the SCORE Act has not been abandoned.

Schools, conferences, athletes, brands, and collectives are all operating without definitive rules on compensation structures, NIL deal parameters, transfer rights, or employment status. That uncertainty creates meaningful legal risk at every level of the ecosystem.

Specific areas of active legal exposure include: structuring NIL agreements to withstand CSC review under the House settlement’s fair market value and valid business purpose standards; evaluating conference template agreements — including broad sublicensing structures — for the rights they capture and the compensation they suppress; advising on employment classification exposure created by Johnson v. NCAA and related litigation; assessing August 1 compliance obligations under EO 14400 and the litigation risk of non-compliance; and monitoring all three legislative vehicles for the specific compliance obligations and liability shifts each would trigger upon enactment.

The legal architecture of college athletics is being written in real time, by courts, executive agencies, and competing Congressional factions simultaneously. The practitioners who build fluency in this space now — before any framework stabilizes — will be best positioned to serve clients when the rules finally do crystallize. The question is whether your institution, your brand, or your athlete has sophisticated counsel engaged while the decisions that will govern the next decade of college sports are still being made.
 
#41
#41
The truth seems to lie between our two positions. I have pasted this from a much longer and more detailed analysis on JDSUPRA. It gets into the nitty gritty of the SCORE Act, Trump''s executive order, and the Cruz-Cantwell bill and concludes that only the C-C bill would be constitutionally viable, But they explain that this bill is a temporary band-aid solution with the only permanent, long term solution being the one concession the NCAA is staunchly opposing - giving student-athletes collective bargaining rights, which would then allow the NCAA to establish work rules and compensation rules in the manner of the major sports leagues.


Thanks for an excellent briefing doc. It is a slog, but worth the trouble.
 
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#42
#42
I like the Senate bill is better as it addresses coaches movement at least. The House bill keeps it wild west for coaches. What I want is coaches having the same sort of rules applied to them that apply to the players. Capping $s on players, cap the $s for coaches as well. Restrict movement of players, restrict movements of coaches not allowing buyouts to coach somewhere else. Make coaches honor their contracts if players must honor theirs. Got it?
 
#43
#43
Capping $s on players, cap the $s for coaches as well.
Now you have my blood flowing. Take a seat and prepare for a heartfelt diatribe.

Players are young people in the workplace. Yet you propose capping their earning potential. Should we cap yours? What’s the difference? Do you agree with those who say we should cap the earning potential of the super rich? why, why not, and what’s the difference with a college kid playing a game?

Capping the non-NIL SALARY may benefit the ADs budget, at the expense of the players. It does not likely improve the teaching or research at the university. So beyond bread and circuses what's the point?

Cap the $ for coaches. I am all for it. In my checkered careers I did some stints as a college and university prof., both adjunct and tenure track. It amazed and offended me that the head football coach was paid a large multiple of what academic department head professors earned. For being supposedly good at the entertainment business…
.
 
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#44
#44
Whoa Nelly! I too can play verbal games. Contract law does not, repeat NOT, constitute involuntary servitude.

If a coach Voluntarily (all puns intended) enters into an employment contract, “involuntary” is off the table. Back to law school, young grasshopper.
I think Macrovol might be correct here. If a coach signs a contract that prevents an in-season job change, that falls under the province of contract law but this congressional provision seems to be a superseding restriction. Even if my contract with Payola University does not prohibit me from taking a position, mid-season, with Mercenary State, Congress is prohibiting it and forcing me into a state of forced servitude to Payola University.

This provision is a strange one, In-season coaching moves are more the exception than the rule. If a coach gets fired, it is usually an insider interim appointment who finishes out the season.

I am guessing someone who helped write this bill was an Ole Miss fan who now really hates Lane Kiffin.
 
#45
#45
I like the Senate bill is better as it addresses coaches movement at least. The House bill keeps it wild west for coaches. What I want is coaches having the same sort of rules applied to them that apply to the players. Capping $s on players, cap the $s for coaches as well. Restrict movement of players, restrict movements of coaches not allowing buyouts to coach somewhere else. Make coaches honor their contracts if players must honor theirs. Got it?
If make head coaches honor there contracts.
Then university should have to honor coaches contacts.
 
#46
#46
Are you requesting belts and braces? Title IX is law. Failure to specifically reference it in another law doesn’t repeal it.

Also, SCORE is the House bill. This thread is about a SENATE bill.
SCORE is effectively dead.

In Congress when the house and Senate pass bills with different wording.
goes in the reconciliation committee
So they can work out the differences
to pass a uniformobile Bill
both houses of Congress can pass a bill that the majority of Congress.
and get to the prisdents to sign into law.
 
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#47
#47
In Congress when the house and Senate pass bills with different wording.
goes in the reconciliation committee
So they can work out the differences
to pass a uniformobile Bill
both houses of Congress can pass a bill that the majority of Congress.
and get to the prisdents to sign into law.
That is all true, but the SCORE bill has NOT BEEN PASSED.
 
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#48
#48
forcing me into a state of forced servitude
If you voluntarily sign a contract, knowing it prohibits a move during the term of said contract, how can it be “forced servitude”? You will have had the opportunity to decline to accept the contract as written.
 
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#49
#49
If you voluntarily sign a contract, knowing it prohibits a move during the term of said contract, how can it be “forced servitude”? You will have had the opportunity to decline to accept the contract as written.
Why do you keep going back to the contract? The contract between parties is not the concern. This issue is Congress issuing a federal government mandate that prohibits occupational movement. The federal ruling supersedes any contractual agreement.

What happens in a contractual relation between two consenting parties operates on a different legal register than what the government can do on impeding the actions of individuals.
 
#50
#50
This should be obvious, but just because Congress passes something doesn't mean it's Constitutional. The main reason why the pro leagues can put in place salary caps and similar restrictions is collective bargaining with player unions.

Are we sure this is the direction we want college athletics and eventually high school athletics to go?
 

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